Tough talk on corruption
by Peter Kimemia
The African continent may take heart from an unusually representative multinational forum that came together earlier this year to devise ways of fostering good governance and tackling corruption. The Africa Forum on Governance and Fighting Corruption brought together government and civil society bodies from the African Union, the Economic Commission for Africa, the various regional economic communities, the African Development Bank and the Nepad secretariat. The period from late 2006 to early 2007 has seen a spike in anti-corruption activity that has included an anti-corruption campaign by the Department of Provincial and Local Government in South Africa and a national conference co-hosted by the NGO, Afesis-corplan and the private company, Mbumba Development Services. The latter focused on a multi-sector strategy against corruption that seeks to impact local government infrastructure and services.
This renewed willingness to tackle what is a notoriously difficult topic hopefully sends a signal to the corrupt that places of refuge are increasingly scarce. Political leaders who loot their state coffers and seek sanctuary in neighbouring countries may have to be more careful about their choice of destinations for a comfortable but ill-gotten retirement. This of course presupposes that the new initiative is not a smokescreen by a coterie of clever elites to once again hoodwink the African public.
The West has also been tightening the screws on reputedly corrupt politicians and business people from Africa by denying entry visas. Whether these measures are altruistically motivated is another matter, but the extension of such sanctions against those who violate human rights and bash their political opponents to a pulp must be welcomed. The fate of the late presidents Sani Abacha of Nigeria and his Zairean counterpart, Mobutu Seseseko were hopefully a warning to aspiring kleptocrats that their next looting spree may leave them without a safe haven.
Since it is now broadly accepted that good governance cannot be achieved without purposeful systems to check rent-seeking behaviour and outright corruption, many countries in sub-Saharan Africa have formed anti-corruption agencies and effected reforms around public procurement procedures. Under pressure from an increasingly better-informed public and organised civil society, governments have also sought to strengthen key organs of the state so that they can be more effective in playing their watchdog role. The transition from the era of impunity to one of accountability has in some cases been disappointingly sluggish. But even as corrupt networks come under pressure, vigilance needs to be stepped up. The corrupt are known to fight back in the most creative manner and to form new alliances in both the political and bureaucratic realm. The Africa Forum on Governance and Fighting Corruption recognised this pitfall when it emphasised on the importance of strengthening the integrity and independence of the judiciary and oversight bodies including parliaments, inspectors general, public protectors, auditor generals as well as public service commissions.
The cost of corruption was highlighted by the 2006 chairperson of the African Union, President Olusegun Obasanjo, when citing a recent report, “corruption costs African countries an estimated 25% of its combined national income – some US$148bn a year”. The worst hit industries have been oil, gas and minerals. The holier-than-thou West is in fact the repository of much of this dirty money. Dodgy bank accounts are still a feature of Western banking and attempts to recover it have been actively frustrated. The so-called development partners invariably invoke some seemingly inviolable confidential banking clauses to discourage attempts to recover such monies. Speaking during a Transparency International conference in late 2006, Hilary Benn, the UK Secretary of State for International Development conceded that bad governance could be caused or made worse by the actions of rich countries and their companies. The “supply-side” of corruption are the bribe-payers and those willing to hide or invest stolen assets.
Effective action against corruption must go beyond ratification of the UN convention against corruption or even the formation of a continental forum. It must be followed up with targeted interventions against both the demand and supply side of corrupt networks and must penetrate into the national, provincial and even local spheres of government. Corruption inhibits growth and development by increasing the cost of doing business. It undermines democratic governance and the few opportunities the poor have to improve their lives. Most shamefully, it invariably redistributes from the poor to the rich.
The Local Government Transformer, April/May 2007