by Bonginkosi Masiwa

Violent service delivery-related protests have been a recurrent feature on South Africa’s political landscape over the past few years.

Service delivery is a function of that sphere of government closest to the people – local municipalities – yet it is largely also a national issue, and one that is of interest to other stakeholders such as civil society, religious organisations and the media.

Violent protests by residents invariably undermine the rights of innocent citizens, especially when such protests involve the destruction of public and private property. Gauteng Premier Mbhazima Shilowa in a public statement in September lamented that local councillors often bore the brunt of violent actions, despite the fact that they have “limited control over the rollout of houses, electricity, water and sanitation”.

This statement merely touches on the human rights crisis that can be brought about by such violent actions.

In Khutsong, ward councillors had to flee for their lives, some were murdered and school kids were denied their right to education by marauding protesters. This is a bleak example of how, if left unchecked, such protests have the ability to rip across a community’s social fibre, leaving it with nothing but a scorched earth as the only evidence that there once existed a functional community.

It is a constitutional right to protest, but if “purposeful” protests can be so destructive, it is the duty of the state, other national institutions like the media and civil organisations to strongly condemn such acts of intolerance.

In the face of genuinely peaceful demonstrations being hijacked by criminal elements, local authorities have a role to play in ensuring the safety of their residents.

An even more ominous occurrence is the violence targeted at specific groups, such as foreign nationals, in the community.

There have been numerous cases where criminals masquerading as service delivery protesters descended on foreign-owned trading stalls, burning and looting with impunity. In 2007 in the Western Cape Somali nationals found themselves being targeted by criminals in the communities in which they traded.

In the Eastern Cape last year two Somali shop owners were shot and torched.

Fortunately, the local authorities and SAPS, working in collaboration with the community, have since managed to apprehend seven of the suspects. This was a rare feat for the police because in many cases they have been accused of being indifferent to such cases. For instance, according to the Somalian Association of South Africa, since July 2006, 41 people had been murdered but no one convicted.

In Delft in 2006, Somalis were killed, after which 19 people were arrested for public violence, not murder.

These are just a few examples of the many criminal activities countrywide that the state has failed to nip in the bud.

Safety at a local level creates an enabling environment for local economic growth. The justice system in South Africa has time and again come under attack as being too lenient to criminals, and for failing to protect innocent, law-abiding citizens from crime. Where the law is deemed to be ineffective, it needs to be reviewed so that it is clear to all that the more aggression one shows, the less likely one has a chance of being accepted as part of a community.

Furthermore, the media play a big role in the way violent protests are covered. Reporters and editors need to ensure coverage doesn’t trigger similar actions by glorifying, rather that criticising, acts of violence.

According to the Greek philosopher Socrates, wrongdoing is a consequence of ignorance – that those who do wrong know no better.

It then becomes everyone’s responsibility, including the media, to help educate, raise awareness and create an informed citizenry.

The silence of the church in the wake of riotous behaviour has also been disturbingly deafening. As one of the oldest institutions known to man, the church has a role to play in explaining and promoting the various components of a just social order. Most of us will recall that the church played a big role in the events that led to the eventual demise of apartheid in South Africa in 1994. Churches like Regina Mundi Anglican Parish in Soweto were at the forefront of attacking the injustice of the system and were renowned for helping the youth in the 16 June 1976 uprising.

In an exemplary manner a church congregation in a community in Nyanga recently asserted that “We can’t say yes to crime” as about 900 pensioner congregants rampaged through Nyanga hostels, businesses and informal settlements in search of articles stripped from their church, the Cape Argus of 18 September, 2007 reported.

Local authorities and civil society pensioners, dressed in white jackets and with the ward councillor in tow, went looking for the stolen items.

Indeed the church’s role as an agent for promoting social change is yet to be fully tapped into, not only regarding the violence that rocked numerous communities in 2007, but also to undo the devastation caused by the HIV/Aids pandemic and many other related social issues. The traditional duty of promoting a moral way of life among citizens must remain a function of the church.

A vibrant civil society indicates its functionality, and the church should form a strong arm of that society, since its membership is drawn from people of all walks of life, including those in powerful positions.

According to Gabriel Almond and other political thinkers of his time, the role of civil society in a democratic order is vital. He said civil society organisations must facilitate the creation of a more informed citizenry whose constitutionally based action or non-action results in holding government accountable through the correct structures, processes and programmes. In South Africa, these have been brought about by developmental local government.

Failure of communities to use community participation forums like the IDP and budget, and failure of the state to help them use these, will result in destructive protests as pent-up frustrations caused by “unfulfilled promises” find an easy escape and expression.

An informed citizenry will be better placed to table their demands in a more civilised manner to the local authorities.  

A concerted effort of all stakeholders should be the underlying principle in the fight against criminal elements in 2008 and beyond.

The time for collective action is now. The church, broader civil society, print and electronic media, and the state, must come together and be seen to be pushing a common agenda of creating an informed public through the promotion of ideas that give birth to healthy public minds in a typical “you are what you eat” fashion.

The service delivery challenges facing South Africa are real, and the state not only needs to focus on “improved implementation” of its developmental policies, but must also continue to be more interactive with other stakeholders.

The open condemnation of criminal activities in municipal areas by municipal officials, the media, religious organisations and civil society organisations in general will go a long way in building the confidence not only of the masses but also of the international community as the country braces itself for the much-awaited 2010 Soccer World Cup.

The Local Government Transformer Feb/Mar 2008