by Bonginkosi Masiwa

Recent attacks on foreign nationals in South Africa have not only left the victims scarred – they have also dented the ideals of Pan-Africanism and Black Consciousness.

The African dream of confidence in self, and the creed of one aim and one destiny, suffered a major setback.

The late Steve Bantu Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) is arguably more relevant today than any other time in the history of Africa. Pioneers of African unity such as Patrice Lumumba and Amilca Cabral never dreamt there’d be such a dark day after the so-called liberation of the African continent.

Today there is growing evidence that the African mind is still not liberated. There is growing evidence that President Thabo Mbeki’s vision for an African renaissance and NEPAD can be undermined by strong forces of man-made divisions that were initially overlooked.   

What could have brought about so much hate between people? Perhaps part of the answer lies in the way the black African views himself. Underlying the attacks could be issues of self-confidence of a nation that has been under a system of oppression and deprivation for a very long time.

As a step toward non-racialism, Biko encourages “fearless and open debate, inspiring oppressed people to recognise their own worth, take joy in their own humanity, and recognise – as equals – the humanity of others”. This kind of African political orientation must begin at the roots of learning – at primary-school level – in the new South Africa. This could help South Africans to identify themselves more with the rest of Africa. South Africa has been accused of being in Africa what the United States are to the whole world. 

Research conducted by the Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa, entitled Protecting Refugees, Asylum Seekers and Immigrants in South Africa, found that at the root of the xenophobic attacks were: disaffection and anger among local people at worsening economic conditions; lack of service delivery; perceived competition with immigrants for jobs; scarce business opportunities; and incitement by organised crime.

But one is inclined to ask whether it really is about services – and if indeed it is, whether violence and murder are the right way of reacting to the crisis.

It has also been argued that the heavy-handed way in which police have been conducting immigration raids over the years, especially in Gauteng, helped create the perception among the perpetrators of violence that they were helping weed out “illegals” or “aliens” from the country.

In a society where inequality is rife, communities trapped in the vicious cycle of lack of service delivery, poverty, crime and corruption could naturally feel justified to blame someone else for their worsening plight.

In Gauteng it has been alleged that lack of housing delivery and jobs sparked the xenophobic attacks. Blame has been piled on allegedly corrupt councillors who “sell” RDP housing. Some residents of informal settlements on the outskirts of Johannesburg and Pretoria claimed to have been on the housing allocation waiting list for close on a decade, and yet, they claimed, they had seen people from outside communities, including foreign nationals, being issued houses in their areas. Most residents do not understand immigration laws – recently government ruled that naturalised foreigners could access RDP housing.

Government has blamed criminals who “exploit the weaknesses in service delivery” for the xenophobic violence, saying it cannot advance arguments that poor people have a propensity to spill blood to get food, houses and health and other services. If that were the case, they say, then there could be something else behind the attacks – a mindset of attackers which could be a function of socialisation. 

For instance, the violent language and incitement being bandied about by a section of the ANC leadership leave the public terribly confused. Ordinary citizens may not know where to draw the line when the ANCYL boldly asserts that it is losing patience, and calls people to arms against perceived enemies. Civil society needs to organise against the encouragement of violence and the spread of such dangerous information.

The creators of the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780 viewed the notion of an informed citizenry as being important enough to enshrine in their state’s founding document: “Wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused generally among the body of the people,” they wrote, are “necessary for the preservation of their rights and liberties.” The right kind of information will also guarantee and protect the rights of others.

Indeed the post-apartheid state is faced with numerous challenges. The recent socio-economic upheavals are just an indication of the amount of work that still needs to be done.

A good start would be the re-education of communities about their civic duty to maintain peace, and to stand up in defence of the equal and humane treatment of all – even those who may be viewed as being different.

Web links:
http://ww2.mg.co.za
http://www.iol.co.za
http://www.nelsonmandela.org
http://congress.indiana.edu

First published in The Transformer Vol. 14 No. 4 August - September 2008