Seminar Report: Reclaiming the Voice of Civil Society in the Consolidation of Democracy
By Tracey-Lee du Plessis
While setting the tone of Afesis-corplan’s 4th quarterly seminar for 2010, Peter Kimemia argued that it is largely indisputable that civil society organisations have a role to play in the governance and development of a country. In South Africa, the struggle against racial segregation drew significant support from civil society formations of various types, including faith-based organisations. However, post-1994 and especially in the second decade of our democracy, although many CSOs re-focussed on the economic and social transformation, away from the outright agitation for political reforms, it would appear their influence on public policy and critical political decisions has waned quite significantly. Some blame co-option into the ruling party machinery for the decline in the influence of civil society formations, others blame apathy, dwindling donor support, etc., as the key culprits. Granted, there have been glimpses of aggressive engagement with the state, especially from social movements (also occasional involvement of organised NGOs) in some policy debates, but few civil society organisations engage consistently in policy processes and even fewer make a significant difference to policy outcomes. Many seem to have lost their voice. There is need to reclaim that voice and make a more impactful contribution to, especially, the task of eternal vigilance against the re-emergence of autocracy through gradual emasculation of the institutions of our democracy.
When the ANC was voted into power in 1994, a broad expectation existed that the “new ANC state would immediately begin to pursue a more socialist political party.” This expectation was driven by various “unions and community organisations since the mid-1980s, alongside the continued ‘socialist’ rhetoric of the ANC itself.” However, “instead of supporting and strengthening the plethora of community/civic organisations (along with progressive unions) that had formed the backbone of the anti-apartheid struggle in the 1980s, ... the ANC called on all civic/community structures to fold-up and become part of ANC branches or to join the newly launched South African National Civics Organisation (SANCO).”
These, and many more, developments “meant that by the mid-late 1990s the vast majority of what had constituted a South African civil society rooted in broad working class politics and struggles, and which had sustained the hope of millions for an anti-capitalist transformation of South African society, had effectively been smashed.” Because of the alliance with the ANC, COSATU and SACP “have, time and again, shunned any meaningful support for, and solidarity with, the new movements/ struggles” that emerged in “opposition to the policies of the ANC-run state.”
Ultimately, the government did not liberate South Africa pre-1994, civil society did, particularly unions, which was separate from politics. Liberation was essentially about changing the nature of society where ordinary people have a say in governance at all levels. By 1994, the vibrant working class civil society was absorbed into the structures of the emerging political party.
As Dr Dale T. McKinley, an independent researcher, writer, lecturer and activist stated, the challenge is to open civil society spaces again and to allow democratic participatory power. There is a need to re-mobilise, re-politicise and de-sanitise civil society; civil society needs to reclaim its power.
Civil society organisations that were aligned to and supported the ANC pre-1994 found themselves in a tough spot post-1994. They were very vocal in drumming up support for social changes from grassroots level, and simultaneously pledged their support to the actions of the ANC. But, when the ANC came into power, civil society saw that the ANC was not living up to their promises of, for example, free basic services, and found themselves unable to criticise the political party they had strongly supported before democracy. Hence, civil society is still trying to find a way to express their views without being labelled counter-revolutionary or as being a rebel. Strategies by some sections of civil society, for example NGOs, are sometimes criticised for supporting social movements in their reports on government’s lack of accountability and service delivery.
A key question Mr Malachia Mathoho posed in his presentation begs serious contemplation: Who are current civil society organisations serving? Do they serve the donors who make their projects possible, the communities they work in, the government, or are they self-serving?
Dr Annetia S. Heckroodt, director of Strategic Planning Policy Research and Secretariat Services at the Eastern Cape Department of Education, gave an overview of the Eastern Cape Education Advisory Council and its role within the education sphere of the Eastern Cape. She stressed that “meaningful citizen participation requires that all segments of the public have the opportunity to contribute to the policy formulation process. If the public is to have an effective voice, ongoing means of facilitation participation is required. Participatory mechanisms that provide the public with real opportunities to affect the policy process must be institutionalised. The statutory advisory councils meet the requirements for this to occur.”
To find out more about the seminar and to read the papers presented, visit www.afesis.org.za
While setting the tone of Afesis-corplan’s 4th quarterly seminar for 2010, Peter Kimemia argued that it is largely indisputable that civil society organisations have a role to play in the governance and development of a country. In South Africa, the struggle against racial segregation drew significant support from civil society formations of various types, including faith-based organisations. However, post-1994 and especially in the second decade of our democracy, although many CSOs re-focussed on the economic and social transformation, away from the outright agitation for political reforms, it would appear their influence on public policy and critical political decisions has waned quite significantly. Some blame co-option into the ruling party machinery for the decline in the influence of civil society formations, others blame apathy, dwindling donor support, etc., as the key culprits. Granted, there have been glimpses of aggressive engagement with the state, especially from social movements (also occasional involvement of organised NGOs) in some policy debates, but few civil society organisations engage consistently in policy processes and even fewer make a significant difference to policy outcomes. Many seem to have lost their voice. There is need to reclaim that voice and make a more impactful contribution to, especially, the task of eternal vigilance against the re-emergence of autocracy through gradual emasculation of the institutions of our democracy.
When the ANC was voted into power in 1994, a broad expectation existed that the “new ANC state would immediately begin to pursue a more socialist political party.” This expectation was driven by various “unions and community organisations since the mid-1980s, alongside the continued ‘socialist’ rhetoric of the ANC itself.” However, “instead of supporting and strengthening the plethora of community/civic organisations (along with progressive unions) that had formed the backbone of the anti-apartheid struggle in the 1980s, ... the ANC called on all civic/community structures to fold-up and become part of ANC branches or to join the newly launched South African National Civics Organisation (SANCO).”
These, and many more, developments “meant that by the mid-late 1990s the vast majority of what had constituted a South African civil society rooted in broad working class politics and struggles, and which had sustained the hope of millions for an anti-capitalist transformation of South African society, had effectively been smashed.” Because of the alliance with the ANC, COSATU and SACP “have, time and again, shunned any meaningful support for, and solidarity with, the new movements/ struggles” that emerged in “opposition to the policies of the ANC-run state.”
Ultimately, the government did not liberate South Africa pre-1994, civil society did, particularly unions, which was separate from politics. Liberation was essentially about changing the nature of society where ordinary people have a say in governance at all levels. By 1994, the vibrant working class civil society was absorbed into the structures of the emerging political party.
As Dr Dale T. McKinley, an independent researcher, writer, lecturer and activist stated, the challenge is to open civil society spaces again and to allow democratic participatory power. There is a need to re-mobilise, re-politicise and de-sanitise civil society; civil society needs to reclaim its power.
Civil society organisations that were aligned to and supported the ANC pre-1994 found themselves in a tough spot post-1994. They were very vocal in drumming up support for social changes from grassroots level, and simultaneously pledged their support to the actions of the ANC. But, when the ANC came into power, civil society saw that the ANC was not living up to their promises of, for example, free basic services, and found themselves unable to criticise the political party they had strongly supported before democracy. Hence, civil society is still trying to find a way to express their views without being labelled counter-revolutionary or as being a rebel. Strategies by some sections of civil society, for example NGOs, are sometimes criticised for supporting social movements in their reports on government’s lack of accountability and service delivery.
A key question Mr Malachia Mathoho posed in his presentation begs serious contemplation: Who are current civil society organisations serving? Do they serve the donors who make their projects possible, the communities they work in, the government, or are they self-serving?
Dr Annetia S. Heckroodt, director of Strategic Planning Policy Research and Secretariat Services at the Eastern Cape Department of Education, gave an overview of the Eastern Cape Education Advisory Council and its role within the education sphere of the Eastern Cape. She stressed that “meaningful citizen participation requires that all segments of the public have the opportunity to contribute to the policy formulation process. If the public is to have an effective voice, ongoing means of facilitation participation is required. Participatory mechanisms that provide the public with real opportunities to affect the policy process must be institutionalised. The statutory advisory councils meet the requirements for this to occur.”
To find out more about the seminar and to read the papers presented, visit www.afesis.org.za